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The recent and overwhelming chain of events
that have changed the world forever began in the hearts of
terrorists, and then moved to flight schools and nondescript
motels in Florida. They climaxed in the wanton destruction of a
major component of the financial capital of the world. Now this
odyssey with an uncertain ending moves to one of the most
forbidding places on the planet.
The contrast between New York City and
Afghanistan could not be starker. Downtown New York was and
still is a brash, cosmopolitan celebration of humankind’s
achievements and our ability to be our masters of our own
destiny, an Enlightenment idea if there ever was one. Moreover,
the World Trade Center Towers represented the symbol and
substance of commerce and world markets, and the idea that
Joseph Schumpeter’s creative destruction will provide a better
life for future generations.
Afghanistan’s medieval condition, in
contrast, is a byproduct of a society’s breakdown. The
totalitarian instincts of the Taliban exist and thrive in order
to replace a festering chaos: nature abhors a vacuum. When
mankind fails and lives fall apart, societies turn to a God or
gods that are dark and unforgiving, a reflection of souls
resigned to the world’s suffering, whose only consolation is
that an uncompromising militancy in this world will be rewarded
in the next one. This is the nature of the Taliban.
The Taliban was founded by a village preacher
named Mullah Mohammed Omar, with help from religious schools in
Pakistan. It's foot soldiers were refugees from the 1979-1989
Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. Homeless, penniless, and
distraught young men who have seen their worlds crumble were
open to the structure that the Taliban provided them. Successive
years of civil war made the overthrow of the government in 1996
possible, and for the Taliban to assume power. As bad as the
Taliban has been, especially for women, the government provided
Islamic law in place of the anarchy that previously existed. In
Afghanistan and everywhere else, suffering and helplessness are
the parents of extremism.
A nonexistent infrastructure and a resilient
opposition limit the raw power that the Taliban wields over
Afghanistan. Still, its all-encompassing ideology breeds fervor
in both internal and external matters. The Taliban no doubt sees
itself as a shining beacon of hope for its distinctive type of
Islam in a world being devoured by infidels. This is why it
accepted and welcomed the support of Osama bin Laden.
Osama bin Laden is in many respects more
powerful than the Taliban. He stands as a preeminent symbol of
militant resistance to the West, unencumbered by the
responsibilities of government. Bin Laden’s daughter is
married to Mullah Omar, the founder and leader of the Taliban
movement, and he looks to bin Laden for financial and military
assistance. Abdullah bin Saad al-Otaibi, a former high-ranking
diplomat to Afghanistan, stated recently "bin Laden holds
greater power than the Taliban and that’s why the movement
cannot hand him to the United States. In fact, Osama bin Laden
has more authority than any defense minister in the world."
Clearly, the Taliban has been hoisted by its own petard, as its
support from bin Laden leaves them with no room to maneuver.
In many ways, Osama bin Laden is the most
unlikely martyr on the planet. A Saudi rich kid, he spent much
of his early adulthood in Beirut getting drunk and occasionally
getting into bar fights. He is a megalomaniac and unconcerned
about distinguishing the innocent from the guilty, as his taped
address clearly demonstrated. Moreover, he is reportedly an
opium addict and has condoned the ugly activities of his troops
from gratuitous torture techniques to gang rape. But his success
can be attributed to three factors: bin Laden provided financial
resources in a country with none; he crafted an image of heroism
and sacrifice that vastly exceeds the reality of his character;
most importantly, he maintained an uncompromising hostility
towards the West, whose dominance over the Islamic world has
been definitive for several centuries now and shows no signs of
letting up.
Andrew Sullivan http://www.andrewsullivan.com,
who wrote the brilliant "This
Is a Religious War" in last Sunday’s New
York Times Magazine, points out correctly that the vast
majority of Muslim thought and believers do not condone or
sympathize with terrorism. The Muslim faith is a benevolent one,
and it is proper, and not politically correct, to point out this
fact. Moreover, Christianity has a dark past that is in some
ways worse than Islam. Still, Islam contains a germ of merciless
violence against intruders and nonbelievers that spurred the
violence of September 11th.
Whether this intolerant strain of Islam is
unique to that faith’s historical pedigree, or whether all
monotheistic faiths contain within them a capacity for cruelty
that makes secular humanism a more attractive alternative are
open questions. (This writer would answer no to both questions,
although these subjects cannot be addressed adequately here.)
Yet Sullivan cannot be argued with when he states, "This
surely is a religious war – but not against Islam versus
Christianity and Judaism. Rather, it is a war of fundamentalism
against faiths of all kinds that are at peace with freedom and
modernity."
This fundamentalism makes any military
engagement in Afghanistan fraught with peril. Many political and
military leaders within the Taliban undoubtedly wish that they
had reconsidered their ties to bin Laden in the past, and may be
willing to jump ship now that the tide has turned against them.
However, one must not underestimate the willingness of many
members to the Taliban to choose to perish in a holy war over
expediency or even their survival. The will of the ground
troops, the present mujahadeen, is even more strident and
certain.
Bombing may not be effective because there is
no infrastructure to bomb. Attacks are not much of a threat to
soldiers and civilians who have known nothing else. The threat
of physical injury means nothing to individuals who are driven
by religious zeal. Any American military superiority is
undermined by the difficulty in navigating the incredibly harsh
terrain of a country the size of Texas. Finding Osama bin Laden
may prove to be maddening beyond belief.
The Northern Alliance, whose government
impressed nobody when it was in power between 1992-1996, may be
unable or unwilling to control Afghanistan. It is conceivable
that the Taliban falls and the eastern half of the country turns
into fiefdoms, but Osama bin Laden remains at large in the
western half of the country. The terrorist movement will only
grow in strength in response to the newest "Western
crusade." This entire mission is fraught with peril.
Hopefully the relief aid to the Afghanis will win over much
of the population, the Taliban will fall quickly. Hopefully,
Osama bin Laden will be captured or killed, and the Northern
Alliance and other political groups in Afghanistan will rule
effectively. Hopefully, global terrorism will be minimized and
snuffed out, and the clash of civilizations will be averted.
Unfortunately, there is little justification for such optimism
at this time.
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